Showing posts with label Inflation. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Inflation. Show all posts

Monday, 31 August 2015

What Are They Smoking? – The Problem with the “Price Level”


US Dollars

The San Francisco Fed recently stated that inflation (which they define as a rise in prices) is probably lower than it is reported in the US. It makes you wonder whether anyone at the Fed has ever bought a house, rented an apartment, bought food or clothing, etc. The problem with looking at a “price level” that attempts to aggregate and average prices across society is that that aggregate is not an accurate indicator of the cost of living for most people, and perhaps not for anyone. It is the work of of statisticians who have created their “model” price level which bears absolutely no relation to the actual prices paid by any person who actually exists.

There are major problems with the computation of the price level. Each contributing factor – food, energy, housing, etc. – receives a particular weighting. The government will always play with those weightings to try to minimize the official inflation rate so as to hide the true effects and extent of the Fed’s loose monetary policy. This is why the consumer price index (CPI) formula was changed years ago to produce a lower inflation figure. Then “hedonic adjustments” are made to disguise the fall in the standard of living when consumers are forced to switch, for instance, from buying steak to buying ground beef due to rising prices. Then the focus switches on lower-numbered aggregates, as when the focus went from CPI to “core” CPI, which excluded food and energy prices. Now CPI is ignored, with the attention being on PCE (personal consumption expenditure.) What measure will be used next? Who knows, but it is almost guaranteed to be one which understates price rises even more.

The Fed loves to have inflation figures that are understated. They can duck the blame for rising prices by pointing out that the price level aggregates are increasing very slowly. So when consumers complain that beef prices are going through the roof, or that their rent was raised another 10% this year, the Fed can hide behind its models. “Inflation is less than 2 percent. Inflation is less than 2 percent. Inflation is less than 2 percent.” Statistics don’t lie, right? So the Fed can just ignore price rises in the real world and try to deflect responsibility. And by saying that inflation is still low, the Fed has all the excuses in the world (at least in its own mind) to continue its unprecedentedly loose monetary policy. 


The federal government also loves to have low inflation figures because they know that actual price inflation is higher, so they can benefit by spending newly created dollars before prices rise, while then having to adjust Social Security and other welfare payments by less than the actual rate of price inflation.

Of course, the idea that the billions of transactions that take place every day could somehow be reflected in one figure, the price level, has a bit of the absurdity ofGoskomtsen about it. Just like the Soviet and Warsaw Pact central planners often looked to Western catalogs to try to set their prices, the Fed’s economists must necessarily look to similar shortcuts in calculating their price levels. There is no way to aggregate all the consumer transactions that take place every day, make necessary adjustments for qualitative differences, and crunch the numbers to come up with an overall consumer price index. Price indices therefore are fatally flawed from the outset, and the trust placed in those figures is naive, foolish, and arrogant. Regardless of what the Fed may say, the Fed and the federal government benefit from continued reliance on government-created price level and inflation figures, while ordinary Americans continue to suffer from rising prices and a reduced standard of living.

Sunday, 23 August 2015

Central Banks and Our Dysfunctional Gold Markets

Gold Prices
Many investors still view gold as a safe-haven investment, but there remains much confusion regarding the extent to which the gold market is vulnerable to manipulation through short-term rigged market trades, and long-arm central bank interventions. First, it remains unclear whether or not much of the gold that is being sold as shares and in certificates actually exists. Second, paper gold can theoretically be printed into infinity just like regular currency — although private-sector paper-gold sellers have considerably less leeway in this regard than central banks. Third, new electronic gold pricing — replacing, as of this past February, the traditional five-bank phone-call of the London Gold Fix in place since 1919 — has not necessarily proved a more trustworthy model. Fourth, there looms the specter of the central bank, particularly in the form of volume trading discounts that commodity exchanges offer them.

The Complex World of Gold Investments

The question of rigging has been brought to media attention in the past few months when ten banks came under investigation by the US Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC) and the US Department of Justice in price-manipulation probes. Also around that time, the Swiss regulator FINMA settled a currency manipulation case in which UBS was accused of trading ahead of silver-fix orders. Then, the UK Financial Conduct Authority, which regulates derivatives, ordered Barclays to pay close to $45 million in fines against a trader who artificially suppressed the price of gold in 2012 to avoid payouts to clients. Such manipulations are not limited to the precious-metals market: in November of last year, major banks had to pay several billion dollars in fines related to the rigging of foreign-exchange benchmarks, including LIBOR and other interest-rate benchmarks.
These cases followed on the heels of a set of lawsuits in May 2014 filed in New York City in which twenty-five plaintiffs consisting of hedge funds, private citizens, and public investors (such as pension funds) sued HSBC, Barclays, Deutsche Bank, Bank Scotia, and Société Génerale (the five traditional banks of the former London Gold Fix) on charges of rigging the precious-metals and foreign-exchange markets. "A lot of conspiracy theories have turned out to be conspiracy fact," said Kevin Maher, a former gold trader in New York who filed one of the lawsuits that May, told The New York Times.

Central Banks at the Center of Gold Markets

The lawsuits were given more prominence with the introduction of the London Bullion Market Association (LBMA) on February 20, 2015. The new price-fixing body was established with seven banks: Goldman Sachs, J.P. Morgan, UBS, HSBC, Barclays, Bank Scotia and Société Génerale. (On June 16, the Bank of China announced, after months of speculation, that it would join.)
While some economists have deemed the new electronic fix a good move in contrast to behind-closed-door, phoned-in price-fixing, others beg to differ. Last year, the commodities exchange CME Group came under scrutiny for allowing volume trading discounts to central banks, raising the question of how "open" electronic pricing really is. Then, too, the LBMA is itself not a commodities exchange but an Over-The-Counter (OTC) market, and does not publish — does not have to publish — comprehensive data as to the amount of metal that is traded in the London market.
According to Ms. Ruth Crowell, the chairman of LBMA, writing in a report to that group: "Post-trade reporting is the material barrier preventing greater transparency on the bullion market." In the same report, Crowell states: "It is worth noting that the role of the central banks in the bullion market may preclude 'total' transparency, at least at the public level." To its credit, the secretive London Gold Fix (1919–2015) featured on its website tracking data of the daily net volume of bars traded and the history of gold trades, unlike current available information from the LBMA as one may see here (please scroll down for charts).

The Problem with Paper Gold

There is further the problem of what is being sold as "paper" gold. At first glance, that option seems a good one. Gold exchange-traded funds (ETFs), registered with The New York Stock Exchange, have done very well over the past decade and many cite this as proof that paper gold, rather than bars in hand, is just as sure an investment. The dollar price of gold rose more than 15.4 percent a year between 1999 and December 2012 and during that time, gold ETFs generated an annual return of 14 percent (while equities registered a loss).
As paper claims on trusts that hold gold in bank vaults, ETFs are for many, preferable to physical gold. Gold coins, for instance, can be easily faked, will lose value when scratched, and dealers take high premiums on their sale. The assaying of gold bars, meanwhile, with transport and delivery costs, is easy for banking institutions to handle, but less so for individuals. Many see them as trustworthy: ETF Securities, for example, one of the largest operators of commodity ETFs with $21 billion in assets, stores their gold in Zurich, rather than in London or Toronto. These last two cities, according to one official from that company, "could not be trusted not to go along with a confiscation order like that by Roosevelt in 1933."
Furthermore, shares in these entities represent only an indirect claim on a pile of gold. "Unless you are a big brokerage firm," writes economist William Baldwin, "you cannot take shares to a teller and get metal in exchange." ETF custodians usually consist of the likes of J.P. Morgan and UBS who are players on the wholesale market, says Baldwin, thus implying a possible conflict of interest.

Government and Gold After 1944: A Love-Hate Relationship

Still more complicated is the love-hate relationship between governments and gold. As independent gold analyst Christopher Powell put it in an address to a symposium on that metal in Sydney, October 2013: "It is because gold is a competitive national currency that, if allowed to function in a free market, will determine the value of other currencies, the level of interest rates and the value of government bonds." He continued: "Hence, central banks fight gold to defend their currencies and their bonds."
It is a relationship that has had a turbulent history since the foundation of the Bretton Woods system in 1944 and up through August 1971, when President Nixon declared the convertibility of the dollar to gold suspended. During those intervening decades, gold lived a kind of strange dual existence as a half state-controlled, half free market-driven money-commodity, a situation that Nobel Prize economist Milton Friedman called a "real versus pseudo gold standard."
The origin of this cumbersome duality was the post-war two-tiered system of gold pricing. On the one hand, there was a new monetary system that fixed gold at $35 an ounce. On the other, there was still a free market for gold. The $35 official price was ridiculously low compared to its free market variant, resulting in a situation in which IMF rules against dealing in gold at "free" prices were circumvented by banks that surreptitiously purchased gold from the London market.
The artificial gold price held steady until the end of the sixties, when the metal's price started to "deny compliance" with the dollar. Still, monetary doctrine sought to keep the price fixed and, at the same time, to influence pricing on the free market. These attempts were failures. Finally, in March 1968, the US lost more than half its reserves, falling from 25,000 to 8,100 tons. The price of other precious metals was allowed to move freely.

Gold Retreats Into the Shadows

Meawhile, private hoarding of gold was underway. According to The Financial Times of May 21, 1966, gold production was rising, but it was not going to official gold stocks. This situation, in turn, fundamentally affected the gold clauses of the IMF concerning repayments in currency only in equal value to the gold value of such at the time of borrowing. This led to a rise in "paper gold planning" as a substitution for further increases in IMF quotas. (Please see "The Paper Gold Planners — Alchemists or Conjurers?" in The Financial Analysts Journal, Nov–Dec 1966.)
By the late 1960s, Vietnam, poverty, the rise in crime and inflation were piling high atop one another. The Fed got to work doing what it does best: "Since April [1969]," wrote lawyer and economist C. Austin Barker in a January 1969 article, "The US Money Crisis," "the Fed has continually created new money at an unusually rapid rate." Economists implored the IMF to allow for a free market for gold but also to set the official price to at least $70 an ounce. What was the upshot of this silly system? That by 1969 Americans were paying for both higher taxes and inflation. The rest, as they might say, is the history of the present.
Today, there is no “official” price for gold, nor any “gold-exchange standard” competing with a semi-underground free gold market. There is, however, a material legacy of “real versus pseudo” gold that remains a terrible menace. Buyer beware of the pivotal difference between the two.

mises daily/Marcia Christoff-Kurapovna/July 23, 2015
Note: The views expressed on Mises.org are not necessarily those of the Mises Institute.

Image source: iStockphoto

Thursday, 13 August 2015

Asset-Price Inflation Enters Its Dangerous Late Phase

Bubble

Asset price inflation, a disease whose source always lies in monetary disorder, is not a new affliction. It was virtually inevitable that the present wild experimentation by the Federal Reserve — joined by the Bank of Japan and ECB — would produce a severe outbreak. And indications from the markets are that the disease is in a late phase, though still short of the final deadly stage characterized by pervasive falls in asset markets, sometimes financial panic, and the onset of recession.

Global Signs of Danger

A key sign of danger, recognizable from historical patterns of how the disease progresses, is the combination of steep speculative temperature falls in some markets, with still-high — and in some cases, soaring — temperatures in other markets. Another sign is some pull-back in the carry trade, featuring, in particular, the uncovered arbitrage between a low (or zero) interest rate, and higher rate currencies. For now, however, this is still booming in some areas of the global market-place.
Specifically, we now observe steep falls in commodity markets (also in commodity currencies and mining equities) which were the original area of the global market-place where the QE-asset price inflation disease attacked (back in 2009–11).
Previously hot real estate markets in emerging market economies (especially China and Brazil) have cooled at least to a moderate extent. Most emerging market currencies — with the key exception of the Chinese yuan — once the darling of the carry traders, are in ugly bear markets. The Shanghai equity market bubble has burst.
Yet in large areas of the high-yield credit markets (including in particular the so-called covenant-lite paper issued by highly leveraged corporations) speculative temperatures remain at scorching levels. Meanwhile, Silicon Valley equities (both in the public and private markets), and private equity funds enjoy fantasy valuations. Ten-year Spanish and Italian government bond yields are hovering below 2 percent, and hot spots in global advanced-economy real estate — whether San Francisco, Sydney, or Vancouver — just seem to get hotter, even though we should qualify these last two observations by noting the slump in the Canadian and Australian dollars. Also, there is tentative evidence that London high-end real estate is weakening somewhat.

How to Identify Late Stages of Asset Inflation

We can identify similar late phases of asset price inflation characterized by highly divergent speculative temperatures across markets in past episodes of the disease. In 1927–28, steep drops of speculative temperature in Florida real estate, the Berlin stock market, and then more generally in US real estate, occurred at the same time as speculative temperatures continued to soar in the US equity market. In the late 1980s, a crash in Wall Street equities (October 1987) did not mark the end-stage of asset price inflation but a late phase of the disease which featured still-rising speculation in real estate and high-yield credits.
In the next episode of asset price inflation (the mid-late 1990s), the Asian currency and debt crisis in 1997, and the bursting of the Russian debt bubble the following year, accompanied still rising speculation in equities culminating in the Nasdaq bubble. In the episode of the mid-2000s, the first quakes in the credit markets during summer 2007 did not prevent a further build-up of speculation in equity markets and a soaring of speculative temperatures in winter 2007–08 and spring 2008 in commodity markets, especially oil.
What insights can we gain from the identification of the QE-asset price inflation disease as being in a late phase?
The skeptics would say not much. Each episode is highly distinct and the disease can “progress” in very different ways. Any prediction as to the next stage and its severity has much more to do with intuition than scientific observation. Indeed some critics go as far as to suggest that diagnosis and prognosis of this disease is so difficult that we should not even list it as such. Historically, such critics have ranged from Milton Friedman and Anna Schwartz (who do not even mention the disease in their epic monetary history of the US), to Alan Greenspan and Ben Bernanke who claimed throughout their years in power — and these included three virulent attacks of asset price inflation originating in the Federal Reserve — that it was futile to try to diagnose bubbles.

We Can’t Ignore the Problem Just Because It’s Hard to Measure

Difficulties in diagnosis though do not mean that the disease is phantom or safely ignored as just a minor nuisance. That observation holds as much in the field of economics as medicine. And indeed there may be a reliable way in which to prevent the disease from emerging in the first place. The critics do not engage with those who argue that the free society’s best defense against the asset price inflation disease is to follow John Stuart Mill’s prescription of making sure that “the monkey wrench does not get into the machinery of money.”
Instead, the practitioners of “positive economics” demonstrate an aversion to analyzing a disease which cannot be readily identified by scientific measurement. Yes, the disease corrupts market signals, but by how much, where, and in what time sequence? Some empiricists might acknowledge the defining characteristic of the disease as “where monetary disequilibrium empowers forces of irrationality in global markets.” They might agree that flawed mental processes as described by the behavioral finance theorists become apparent at such times. But they despair at the lack of testable propositions.

Mis-Measuring Increases in Asset Prices

The critics who reject the usefulness of studying asset price inflation have no such qualms with respect to its twin disease — goods and services inflation. After all, we can depend on the official statisticians!
In the present monetary inflation, a cumulative large decline in equilibrium real wages across much of the labor market, together with state of the art “hedonic accounting” (adjusting prices downward to take account of quality improvements) has meant that the official CPI has climbed by “only” 11 percent since the peak of the last business cycle (December 2007). The severity of the asset price inflation disease makes it implausible that the official statisticians are measuring correctly the force of monetary inflation in goods and services markets.

What Is the Final Stage?

A progression of the asset price inflation disease into its final stage (general speculative bust and recession) would mean the end of monetary inflation and also inflation in goods and services markets. What could bring about this transition? Most plausibly it will be a splintering of rose-colored spectacles worn by investors in the still hot speculative markets rather than Janet Yellen’s much heralded “lift-off” (raising official short-term rates from zero). What could cause the splinter?
Perhaps it will be a sudden rush for the exit in the high-yield credit markets, provoked by alarm at losses on energy-related and emerging market paper. Or financial system stress could jump in consequence of the steep falls of speculative temperature already occurring (including China and commodities). Perhaps there will be a run from those European banks and credit funds which are up to their neck in Spanish and Italian government bonds. Or the Chinese currency could tumble as Beijing pulls back its support and the one trillion US dollar carry trade into the People’s Republic implodes. Perhaps scandal and shock, accompanied by economic disappointment will break the fantasy spell regarding US corporate earnings, especially in Silicon Valley. As the late French President Mitterrand used to say, “give time to Time!”


Monday, 10 August 2015

China And Deflation: This worse-than-expected slump in exports is probably even worse than admitted

China’s July exports slump 8 percent, raises pressure for more stimulus
Aug 8, 2015
BEIJING/SHANGHAI (Reuters) – Chinese exports tumbled 8.3 percent in July, their biggest drop in four months and far worse than expected, reinforcing expectations that Beijing will be forced to roll out more stimulus to support the world’s second-largest economy.
Imports also fell heavily from a year earlier, in line with market forecasts but suggesting domestic demand might be too feeble to offset the weaker global demand for China’s exports.
Economists had forecast exports to fall just 1 percent, after a 2.8 percent uptick in June, but the data on Saturday showed depressed demand from Europe and the first drop in exports to the United States, China’s biggest market, since March.
This data confirms the idea of a pronounced slow down not only in China’s economy but Europe’s and the US as well.
No matter how much stimulus the Chinese authorities apply it’s going to be hard to change any of these import and export statistics by any other means than by massively devaluing the yuan.
Here’s a bit of data that suggest Australia is feeling the pinch:
Port Hedland iron ore exports slip in July
Aug 6, 2015
Iron-ore exports from Australia’s Port Hedland fell by 8.8 per cent in July compared to the previous month, the local port authority said on Thursday. Iron-ore shipments for the month totalled 35 million metric tons, down from the all-time high shipments of 38.4 million tons in June. The port’s July total was also a decrease of 775,000 tons, or 2 per cent, from the same month in 2014, it said.
Notice that the statistics above are given in tons, but the Australian dollar has fallen by a lot over the past year, so measuring the economic impact would reveal a much steeper decline than the tonnage suggests.
Because the yuan is pegged to the dollar, this is a fair representation of the impact.

image: http://www.peakprosperity.com/sites/default/files/users/u4/aud_to_usd_2015-08-08_10-31-03.jpg
AUDUSD Chart
ouch!
Less tonnage and a vastly lower AUD = a big economic impact.

Chris


investmentwatchblog.com / by IWB, on August 9th, 2015